The 2021 coup, which toppled Myanmar’s democratically elected government, brought renewed international attention to a conflict whose roots stretch back 70 years, entangled in ethnic tensions, military dominance, and political struggle that date back to the birth of the post-colonial era. The seeds of discontent were planted almost immediately after Burma gained independence from Britain in 1947; fighting broke out in 1948 as the Karen ethnic group demanded independence from the Union of Burma. In 1947, the Panglong Agreement was reached between the Burmese government and the Shan, Kachin, and Chin ethnic groups, each of which were granted guaranteed autonomy. Yet a few years later, when it became evident that this autonomy would not materialize, they also formed armies and began fighting for their independence. In all, Myanmar is home to 135 ethnic groups, many of whom have formed resistance armies at various times, fighting against government repression.
Following a coup in 1962, General Ne Win seized power, initiating decades of oppressive military rule. Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, emerged as a champion for democracy and human rights in the 1980s. Her father, Aung San, in addition to being instrumental in the formation of the country, is also considered to be the father of the Tatmadaw, the modern Burmese army. It is ironic that the same military, which had always revered her father, kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest on and off for a period of about 40 years.
In 2011, government reforms were initiated, including the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. In 2012, her National League for Democracy (NLD) party not only participated in elections but also won 43 of the 45 contested seats. Despite this show of force at the ballot box, the military retained significant control of the political system. Nonetheless, for the first time, there were glimmers of hope that full democracy would be possible.
In the 2015 elections, the NLD once again won decisively, but their victory was largely symbolic due to the military retaining veto power in parliament. Consequently, the NLD’s ability to enact meaningful change was limited, as the military, now under the guise of the State Administration Council (SAC), amended the constitution to ensure a minority of parliamentary seats were elected, with the majority appointed by the generals. Despite Daw Aung San Suu Kyi holding the title of State Counsellor, significant power remained in the hands of the military. In the 2020 elections, the NLD secured re-election by an even larger margin. However, shortly after the election, on February 1, 2021, the military overturned the results, arresting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, along with top NLD and opposition figures. This sparked widespread protests and general strikes throughout the country, which the military brutally suppressed, resulting in thousands dead, wounded, and incarcerated.
Ethnic armies as resistance movements
Throughout decades of electoral processes, partial democracy, and urban movements, particularly in Yangon and Mandalay, ethnic resistance armies persisted in their fight against the Tatmadaw (Burmese army) in the jungles of the ethnic states. Many city dwellers, predominantly Burman, viewed these resistance armies in a negative light, while holding onto the belief that peaceful protests and parliamentary procedures would eventually lead to democracy and freedom. Some Burmans even labeled the ethnic resistance armies as terrorists. However, the 2021 coup shattered hopes of democratic reform and unleashed military violence, testing the people’s patience. Even Burmans joined the fight, with city dwellers forming militias and some seeking training from ethnic armies. For the first time since 1948, there emerged a sense that the needs and interests of ethnic minorities were aligning with those of the Burman majority.
